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Can NATO Beat Russia Without the United States? An Arsenal Analysis.

Can NATO Beat Russia Without the United States? An Arsenal Analysis.

Can NATO Beat Russia Without the United States? A WarFronts Arsenal Analysis. Introduction. It’s the war that no European leader wants, and the war that ev

Simon Whistler
S
Simon Whistler

Can NATO Beat Russia Without the United States? A WarFronts Arsenal Analysis. Introduction. On the other side of our proverbial cage match, NATO doesn’t necessarily crush Russia in terms of volume, but it’s fair to say that the alliance packs a little bit more heat, even without the United States.

Key Takeaways

  • Can NATO Beat Russia Without the United States? A WarFronts Arsenal Analysis.
  • It’s the war that no European leader wants, and the war that every European leader feels brewing on the horizon.
  • Land Forces. Before we dive into today’s question, we’ve got to establish some terms of engagement.
  • Of those 2.2 million active-duty troops, a majority are part of the various armies, ground forces, and, at times, amphibious Marine units of their home nations.
  • The article is grounded strictly in the source video script and listed references.

Key Developments

It’s the war that no European leader wants, and the war that every European leader feels brewing on the horizon. Year after year, intelligence leaders and defense experts grow increasingly certain that a test from Moscow is coming, a direct challenge to NATO principles of collective defense, and an open play for power. But now, affairs across the Atlantic have forced NATO leaders to reckon with another grim prospect: that if Russia’s challenge does come within the next few years, then the most powerful member of the NATO alliance may not even lift a finger to respond. Take the United States out of the equation, and the nations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization are forced to answer the ultimate question: Can they stand up to Moscow? On land, at sea, in the air, and on the home front, NATO must find a way to resist Russian aggression. If they fail, then Russia’s probing test won’t be the only attack that’s coming—and if Vladimir Putin has his way, the entire continental order in post-Soviet Europe may come crumbling down. Adding to the confusion, European defense manufacturers have tried time and time again to explain to continental leaders that simply asking to make more stuff, isn’t enough. According to NATO intelligence estimates from 2024, Russia was, at that time, producing about three million artillery shells a year, every year. The nation is estimated to produce just fifty artillery barrels a year, at paces it can’t easily scale up, and only about two hundred infantry fighting vehicles annually, while refurbishing only a couple of hundred tanks per year at best. Beyond sheer numbers of troops and equipment, European militaries share a range of notable strengths, while individual nations excel in certain areas that deserve mention. It’s unclear whether those numbers account for Russian paramilitary troops, particularly the former Wagner Group fighters now made subsidiary to the Russian Ministry of Defense, but if those groups are not accounted for, then they’ll raise the number of troops at Russia’s disposal by a couple of tens of thousands, in aggregate. Within a few years, European nations will have hundreds: 138 to the United Kingdom, ninety-five to Italy, eighty-eight for Canada, sixty-four each for Finland and Poland, fifty to the Netherlands, and between twenty-five and forty-nine each for Norway, Romania, Denmark, Belgium, Greece, Germany, and the Czech Republic.

Strategic Implications

Land Forces. Before we dive into today’s question, we’ve got to establish some terms of engagement. Today, we’ll be comparing the military arsenals of NATO, minus the United States, against that of Russia—and that means that non-European NATO members, particularly Canada, will be included in this analysis, while non-NATO European nations, like Switzerland or Serbia, will not. We also won’t be counting Ukraine toward Europe’s advantages, either as a military partner, or as a territory where some of the fighting could take place away from both Russian and NATO soil. Today, we’ll stay away from the geopolitical side of things, for the most part; if you’d like to learn more about that angle, you can check out another recent episode we’ve published after you’re finished with this one. The title on that other piece: “War is coming. If Russia and Ukraine were to establish a permanent peace, Russia and NATO were to take three to five years, and then the two sides went to war…yes, NATO probably would be able to boost its military-industrial capacity and fix some of its issues by then. On personnel, NATO is a fair match for Russia in terms of numbers, and its professional militaries certainly outperform Russia’s current batches of conscripts—while on equipment, NATO’s current arsenals have a clear advantage over depleted Russian stock. In some places, that’s a tough ask for Russia; its longest single border with a NATO nation is in Finland, where battle is tough, the Finns have historically proven to be tougher, and NATO would have time to respond to large-scale Russian mobilization in that area, by beefing up their own defenses. But on balance, when you take a really broad view and factor in military capabilities, current defense-industrial capacity, geography, alliances, and the potential of each side to surge and improve its capabilities…NATO gets the better of this exchange, even without the United States. Many NATO member nations are well-accustomed to rapid deployments abroad, some of them boast quite formidable special-operations units, and their interoperable NATO-standard equipment, as well as their unified command-and-control structure through the alliance, are invaluable assets at their disposal.

Risk and Uncertainty

Europe isn’t ready.” Finally, we’re going to hold off on discussions of a nuclear exchange, where Russia, in a confrontation where America’s nuclear umbrella doesn’t apply, would be at a clear and indisputable advantage. We certainly would like to think that Britain and France’s combined several hundred warheads would make for some deterrent value…but either they do deter Russia and we get a conventional war, or they don’t, and everybody’s getting blown up anyway. Instead, we’re going to focus on the conventional warfare assets on both sides of this hypothetical conflict, and we’ll start, with a look at their land forces. Take the United States out of the NATO alliance, and its remaining nations can still field about 2.2 million active-duty military personnel, going by 2024 numbers. Those numbers don’t account for another two and a half million reservists, or nearly a million additional paramilitary forces under the control of nations like Turkey, France, and Italy. Those same nations are among those who supply the highest proportion of NATO’s military personnel, along with the United Kingdom, Germany, Poland, Greece, and Spain each fielding well over a hundred thousand troops, and Romania and Canada each with over seventy thousand. Even if the Su-57 is exactly as formidable as Russia claims, and even if Russia can complete its full production order for over seventy before a war breaks out, NATO would still hold a clear numeric advantage in stealth aircraft. Europe can reach parity with Russia; in fact, if Europe leveraged its capabilities to their full extent, Russia would have no hope of catching up. That article also points out that Russia is having trouble producing enough heavy equipment to make up the shortfalls it’s facing, and while we’ll be generous when estimating that Russia can surge its production capacity to build seven hundred modern tanks…well, that generosity’s going to have to come out from someplace else. Also, both Russia’s strategic bombers and its fighter aircraft—particularly the Sukhoi line—are built for extended-range operations, meaning that although Russia doesn’t have comparable in-air refueling capabilities, it does have a lesser need for those services.

Outlook

Of those 2.2 million active-duty troops, a majority are part of the various armies, ground forces, and, at times, amphibious Marine units of their home nations. Taking a rather conservative estimate, we’ll place the number of dedicated ground troops in the NATO alliance—again, without the United States—at 1.3 million, before discussing reservists. When it comes to heavy armor, and particularly main battle tanks, NATO can call quite a bit of equipment to bear. Among the main battle tanks at NATO’s disposal are thousands of German-made Leopard and Leopard 2 tanks, with the Leopard 2, in particular, forming the backbone of most standing European armies. The Leopard 2 is widely regarded as a world-class tank, and by the numbers, it’s the most popular in the world. Although those tanks aren’t impervious to destruction during battle, as proved via its utilization by Ukraine, no tank is a perfect solution to the problems of modern warfare, and of all the options in the world, the Leopard 2 is a pretty strong choice. Assuming that Russia has the time to rebuild in peace, we’ll take it at its full projected military strength of 1.5 million troops on active duty—and we’ll estimate that seven to eight hundred thousand of those troops will be part of the Russian Ground Forces. Under ideal conditions, Russian troops are decently well-trained, but their ability to provide a large mass of troops in a combat situation is just as important, if not more so, than each of those troops’ abilities in a fight. At that size, once its ranks are filled after the war, Russia will control the world’s second-largest active military, along with several hundred thousand auxiliary forces, bringing the nation to a total military strength of 2.38 million. One element we haven’t touched on yet, are the abundance of special operators in a range of NATO nations—particularly special forces troops who are often quite experienced. Those attack jets have been the subject of particularly nasty attrition rates, since they come closest into contact with Ukrainian ground troops, and other jets that perform low-flying missions have also been liable to be shot down.

FAQ

What is the central development in Can NATO Beat Russia Without the United States? An Arsenal Analysis.?

Can NATO Beat Russia Without the United States? A WarFronts Arsenal Analysis. Today, we’ll be comparing the military arsenals of NATO, minus the United States, against that of Russia—and that means that non-European NATO members, particularly Canada, will be included in this analysis, while non-NATO European nations, like Switzerland or Serbia, will not.

What remains uncertain right now?

Europe isn’t ready.” Finally, we’re going to hold off on discussions of a nuclear exchange, where Russia, in a confrontation where America’s nuclear umbrella doesn’t apply, would be at a clear and indisputable advantage.

Why does this matter strategically?

Land Forces. Before we dive into today’s question, we’ve got to establish some terms of engagement. But now, affairs across the Atlantic have forced NATO leaders to reckon with another grim prospect: that if Russia’s challenge does come within the next few years, then the most powerful member of the NATO alliance may not even lift a finger to respond.

What indicators should observers monitor next?

Of those 2.2 million active-duty troops, a majority are part of the various armies, ground forces, and, at times, amphibious Marine units of their home nations.

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